Bachelor of Governance and International Relations

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Role of local council courts in resolving land disputes: a case study of Mukono Municipality, Uganda
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-06-05) Gloria Teta
Land conflicts are one of the perennial governance issues in peri-urban Uganda.They have been exacerbated in Mukono Municipality by a fraudulent titling process that forced the Ministry of Lands to cancel hundreds of titles, with many residents having insecure land rights and lacking effective institutional support. Local Council (LC) Courts are the most easily available governance forum for common people to resolve land disputes; however, their functions within the wider context of local governance and community empowerment have not been well researched in the Mukono setting. The study investigates the contribution of the LC Courts in resolving land disputes in Mukono Municipality from 2019 to 2026 in three aspects of governance namely; awareness of land rights to the community, community dialogue forum about the land dispute and accountability in land governance. A qualitative research design was employed and the method of research was Qualitative Document Analysis (QDA). Systematic identification, selection, appraisal and analysis of 22 documents. These included national land governance policy documents, reports from Uganda Land Alliance and LEMU, publications from the Ministry of Lands, records from Mukono District Local Government, academic research on land tenure and community governance in Uganda, and civil society assessments of the performance of LC Courts. All sources were free and accessible and evaluated based on Scott's (1990) criteria of authenticity, credibility, representativeness and meaning. Thematic analysis proposed by Braun and Clarke (2006) was used to analyze the data with the assistance of NVivo 14, a qualitative data analysis software. Documentary evidence demonstrates the role of LC Courts as ‘meaningful but limited governance’. Their locally established processes are publicly visible and raise awareness of land rights but this awareness is less systematic and is not reaching the most vulnerable, especially women and elderly citizens. They create opportunities for community discussions that are based on local knowledge and social networks, but these are not necessarily inclusive: disadvantaged groups can be excluded by power differentials and gender norms. They claim to hold accountable members of the local government but this is in ix theory rather than in practice because of political interference and the lack of mechanisms for communities to hold members of government to account. The study finds that the community dialogue role plays the best part in land dispute resolution in the LC Courts and the least effective in cases involving strong parties in land disputes where accountability is required. The study calls for organized civic education programmes to be integrated with LC Court proceedings, gender responsive governance trainings for LC officials and introducing community accountability mechanisms to enhance accountability. Abstract: The study aims to investigate how the implementation of Local Council Courts influences land disputes in Uganda, specifically in Mukono Municipality. Research Objectives: The study aims at investigating the influence of the implementation of the Local Council Courts in the resolution of land disputes in the Municipality of Mukono, Uganda.
Celebrity Politics and the transformation of Uganda's political landscape. A case study of entertainers in Uganda's politics
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-29) Nicholas Mwayi Kkula
The politics of Uganda has experienced a noticeable and impactful change since 2017, marked by the unparalleled rise of entertainers and cultural celebrities into politics via its electoral system. Since the 2017 Kyadondo East parliamentary by-election victory of musician Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (Bobi Wine) marked the beginning of the phenomenon of celebrity politics, with numerous subsequent happenings leading to the introduction of new actors, modes of communication, and political behaviour into a political system long dominated by professional elites, liberation movement cadres, and military actors. Although the scale and rate of this development is very great, limited systematic scholarly examination of its causes, mechanisms and implications has been achieved. This paper examines how politics of celebrities can influence the transformation of the Uganda political situation in the period 2017-2026. It is informed by three definite objectives which are to investigate structural and contextual conditions which enable the entry and electoral success of entertainers in Ugandan politics and to evaluate the role of celebrity candidates in voter behaviour and national political opinion and the implications of celebrity politicians in governance quality and accountability processes. The research design is a descriptive and explanatory research design based on critical realist and interpretivist philosophy, which uses secondary data sources, only. The Uganda Elections Data Portal (UEDP), qualitative data analysis of mainstream Ugandan and international media, Afrobarometer country survey data, and parliament materials will make up the primary data sources. The theoretical framework combines Populism Theory created by Laclau (2005) and Mudde and Kaltwasser (2017) and Elite Theory in the lineage of Mosca (1939) and Pareto (1935). The results define political success of the celebrity in Uganda as based on a particular structural arrangement: a dominant-party system that seals off traditional channels of political opposition, a relatively younger population with a strong engagement of the entertainment culture, the fast development of social media as a form of political communication infrastructure, low levels of disillusionment with traditional political elites, and organisational inefficiency of political opposition parties. Data on the UEDP indicate that celebrity parliamentary candidates won with an overall estimated rate of about 38 percent in 2021, compared to a wait of about 22 percent among non-celebrity candidates in similar constituencies, with observable voter mobilisation in constituencies with contests. Data analysis of media content and Afrobarometer indicates that there is a highly age-differentiated trend in terms of public opinion: 68% of young people who were not yet 30 years old affirmed that they would prefer a politician outside of the traditional political elite, whereas 39 percent of people over 50 did. The analysis of heterogeneous legislative performance of celebrity MPs reveals on governance and accountability that the informal aspect of accountability is reinforced by the amplification provided by the media but yet diminished in attaching to the formal and established mechanisms of parliamentary oversight. Based upon the Pareto notion of elite circulation, the paper finds that celebrity politics in Uganda is much more a type of change in elite composition, as opposed to a major redistribution of political power. The paper finds the celebrity politics as a structural and sustainable aspect of the Ugandan political terrain that has actual but limited democratising impacts. Guidance is provided to the Electoral Commission, Parliament, political parties and future researchers. The research contributes novel theoretical and empirical insights in the fields of celebrity politics, African electoral politics and the democratic development in Uganda.
Effect of gender based violence and women’s participation in local governance: a case study of Mbarara Central Division, Mbarara District
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-26) Davy Anabel Ampaire
This research investigated the impact of gender-based violence on women's involvement in political processes within local governance, specifically focusing on Mbarara Central Division in Mbarara District. The study aimed to assess how economic abuse affects women's political engagement in local governance, analyze the influence of emotional abuse on their participation, and evaluate the repercussions of physical abuse on their roles in governance. Employing a cross-sectional survey design, the research incorporated both quantitative and qualitative methodologies. Data collection was conducted through questionnaires and interviews, utilizing purposive as well as simple random sampling techniques. A total of 60 respondents from Mbarara Central Division participated in the study. Findings indicated that various forms of abuse—namely economic, emotional, and physical significantly hinder women's political participation in Mbarara Central Division. Economic abuse limits women's access to vital resources and diminishes their decision-making authority; emotional abuse negatively impacts their self-esteem and deters them from engaging in political affairs; while physical abuse fosters an atmosphere of fear and insecurity, further restricting their involvement in governance. Finally, the study proposed several recommendations: implementing extensive financial support programs alongside legal protections to combat economic abuse; establishing targeted emotional support services and counseling for women facing emotional distress; and enforcing stringent laws against physical abuse while creating strong support networks for survivors.
Humanitarian leadership and national security: An analysis of Uganda's open-door refugee policy in Nakivale Refugee Settlement
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-25) Diana Maria Asiimire
Uganda's refugee policy is open based on the Refugees Act 2006 and the Refugee Regulations 2010 and has become internationally recognized as one of the most progressive refugee protection policies in Africa. Uganda has become a leading example of a development-oriented approach to humanitarian action by giving refugees the right to freedom of movement, employment, access to land and access to services. However, the human security of host communities is significantly and under researched and is highly precarious due to the competition for resources, weak governance and diminishing international support. This study looks at the implications of the open-door refugee policy on humanitarian leadership structures and human security of host communities in Uganda's oldest and largest refugee settlement Nakivale Refugee Settlement in Isingiro District, Western Uganda with an estimated population of 100,000 refugees from more than 10 countries. The study uses a qualitative secondary data analysis methodology with a systematic literature review and thematic synthesis approach to examine 5 research questions on humanitarian leadership, host community security, governance and resource allocation, role of the Government of Uganda and refugee-led organizations' contributions and draws lessons from peer-reviewed scholarship, UNHCR operational data, government policy reports and institutional assessments published between2015 and 2025.The study draws on the framework of Human Security Theory as presented by the United Nations Development Programme (1994) and developed by the Commission on Human Security (2003) to examine the experiences of the host communities in seven areas economic, food, health, personal, community and political security. The results indicate that although there is the concept of an open-door policy, it has created a formally progressive governance architecture, there are significant gaps in its implementation at the ground level from policy intentions to policy implementation. Institutional trust was undermined and social cohesion was weakened after the 2018 corruption scandal in refugee assistance. Host communities bear the brunt of the environmental and socio-economic effects of the conflict such as land dispossession without compensation, degradation of natural resources and unequal access to humanitarian services and are largely excluded from decision making. International burden sharing deficits remain to erode the model's sustainability. In parallel, refugee-led organizations and community-based activities are becoming vital, albeit with limiting structures, in addressing gaps in service provision and promoting social cohesion. The research finds that durable refugee protection and safety are not mutually exclusive objectives of the host community. Structural changes to land governance, better accountability systems, fair distribution of resources, and meaningful participation of host communities and refugee-driven institutions in land governance are necessary to achieve sustainable humanitarian outcomes in Nakivale. The results have implications for the Office of the Prime Minister of Uganda, UNHCR, the Norwegian Refugee Council and other international partners who wish to build the bedrock of Uganda's humanitarian leadership model. The key words are open-door refugee policy, humanitarian leadership, human security, host communities, Nakivale Refugee Settlement, Uganda, thematic synthesis, governance, burden-sharing.
Experiences of caregivers working with vulnerable children: a case study of Noah’s Ark Children’s Ministry Uganda
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-25) Mark Seeti
The research study examined the experiences of care givers working with vulnerable children at Noah's Ark Children's Ministry Uganda, it focused on their motivations, challenges and coping mechanisms. Guided by Jean Watson's Human Caring Theory, the study employed a qualitative descriptive design. Data was collected through in-depth interviews with 22 caregivers, social workers and teachers. Findings showed that caregivers are primarily motivated by compassion, love for children, faith as a calling from God, personal life experiences and emotional satisfaction from witnessing positive changes in children. Major challenges included heavy workload, emotional strain from the children's traumatic stories, limited resources and gaps in organizational support. Coping mechanisms identified were prayer and faith, peer support, personal self-care strategies and satisfaction from children's success. The study concludes that despite significant challenges, caregivers remain committed through intrinsic motivation and spiritual resilience. Recommendations include recruiting additional caregivers, increasing government support and strengthening community based partnerships for vulnerable children.
Ethnic rivalry and civil conflict in South Sudan: a case of the Dinka and Nuer communities
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-20) Angella Eliza Lomakol
The study aimed at understanding the ethnic rivalry and civil conflict in South Sudan: a case of the Dinka and Nuer communities. In this regard, the study focused on the following: examining the causes of ethnic rivalry between the Dinka and Nuer communities in South Sudan, assessing how ethnic rivalry between the Dinka and Nuer communities contributes to the persistence of civil conflict in South Sudan, and proposing strategies for promoting sustainable peace and stability among the Dinka and Nuer communities in South Sudan. A descriptive case study design incorporating solely qualitative methods was utilized in this study for the investigation of ethnic competition and civil conflict involving the Dinka and Nuer in the Bahr el Ghazal and Upper Nile regions of South Sudan. Primary data was sourced through focus group discussions and key informant interviews from community members, leaders, government officials, and NGO representatives applying both purposive and snowball sampling approaches. The obtained data was analyzed based on themes related to the objectives of the study, adhering to all ethical considerations throughout. The results of this study show that the ethnic competition of the Dinka and Nuer people in South Sudan is fueled by a range of factors such as politics, economics, history, and sociocultural elements. They include political exploitation of ethnic identities, unfair access to resources, poor institutional capacity, historical resentments, and militarization as the factors sustaining mistrust, violence, and civil conflict. Ethnic identity, fragmentation of armed groups, and poor justice systems has been identified as contributors to sustained instability while promotion of peaceful coexistence may be attained through a number of approaches. Finally, it was suggested that for the purposes of minimizing the ethnic rivalry and recurrence of violence among the Dinka and Nuer ethnicities, inclusive governance, justice and reconciliation processes, inter-communal dialogue, peace education, and security sector reform should be emphasized. The report also underlines the significance of disarmament, cooperation between the government, non-government organizations, and local communities, and continuous engagement in peace building efforts.
The influence of diplomatic strategies on financing infrastructural development: a case of Entebbe International Airport
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-18) Mellisa Arinda Amanda
The study established the contribution of diplomatic strategies in financing infrastructural development; a case of Entebbe International Airport. It specifically focused on; establishing the influence of bilateral diplomacy on financing infrastructural development, examining the effect of multilateral diplomacy on financing infrastructural development and assessing the contribution of economic diplomacy on financing infrastructural development at Entebbe International Airport. The study was carried out using a descriptive case study research design where mixed method research was employed. The data was collected using questionnaires and interviews and during data collection; both simple random and purposive sampling methods were used. A sample size of 52 respondents who are employees of Entebbe International Airport and interviews with 5 top management of Entebbe International Airport like the Airport Director and the Heads of Departments was used in the study. The study findings revealed that bilateral, multilateral, and economic diplomacy significantly influence the financing of infrastructural development at Entebbe International Airport by enhancing access to diverse funding sources, attracting concessional loans and private investment, improving coordination among funding partners, and providing critical technical support, thereby facilitating the implementation of major projects such as terminal modernization and cargo facility upgrades despite challenges such as funding conditionalities and procedural complexities. Finally, the study recommended the need for strengthening bilateral, multilateral, and economic diplomatic engagements to enhance access to sustainable and diversified financing for infrastructural development at Entebbe International Airport, alongside improving institutional coordination, investment promotion, and financial sustainability mechanisms. This is expected to increase funding inflows, attract private and foreign investment, improve efficiency in resource mobilization, and ensure long-term sustainable development of key airport infrastructure projects.
The effect of civil society peace building initiatives on community conflict resolution in northern Uganda: a case of Acholi religious leader peace initiative, Gulu District
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-13) Doreck Okwarisiima
The study examined the effect of civil society peace building initiatives on community conflict resolution in Northern Uganda; a case of Acholi Religious Leader Peace Initiative (ARLPI). In this regard, the study focused on the following: determining the effect of dialogue facilitation on community conflict resolution in Gulu district, investigating the effect of reconciliation processes on community conflict resolution in Gulu district, and examining the effect of capacity-building programs on community conflict resolution in Gulu district. The study employed a descriptive survey research approach. Moreover, both quantitative and qualitative research approaches were adopted. Furthermore, simple random and purposive sampling methods were used. Questionnaires were used to collect data from 212 respondents who are community members that have benefited from ARLPI peace building initiatives although 200 of them responded to the study. More so, interviews were used to collect data from the key informants who are the management and employees of this organization. It was found that the ARLPI peace-building efforts have made a significant contribution to conflict resolution in the Gulu district community through dialogue involvement, reconciliation efforts, and capacity building activities. Dialogues improved communication, collaboration, and understanding among the community members, while the reconciliation efforts facilitated forgiveness, relationship restoration, and decreased hostility using traditional justice mechanisms and trauma healing interventions. Moreover, capacity building activities helped to improve the skills of conflict management, mediation, leadership, and conflict prevention among the community members. These peace-building efforts contributed to the enhancement of social cohesiveness, reduction of conflicts, and creation of sustainable peace in the community. The study suggests further improvement and expansion of dialogues, reconciliation efforts, trauma healing activities, and capacity building programs through active participation and continuous training. The study further recommends the need for increased financing and technical assistance from the government and development partners for sustainable peace building and conflict resolution in Northern Uganda.
Navigating institutionalized community-based monitoring and accountability forums: women's participation in Uganda’s Local Government Barazas
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-18) Catherine Mwebaza
This dissertation explores the involvement of women in Uganda Local Government Barazas- forums of the community that are aimed at facilitating citizen participation, social responsibility and deliberative democracy. Although there are legal pledges on gender equality, women are still participating in such forums in an unequal manner. This gap is filled by the study by a gender- specific study informed by three theoretical perspectives; Deliberative Democracy Theory, Principal-Agent Theory, and Emancipatory/Transformative Theory. Using a step-by-step explanatory mixed-method design, the study was carried out in Kalaki District. The survey questionnaires, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, key informant interviews, and non- participant observation were used as data collection methods. Descriptive statistics were applied to the quantitative data, and the data of qualitative research were analyzed through thematic analysis. The results show that the attendance frequency and active involvement of women in Barazas is low. There are no inclusive mechanisms aimed at encouraging the participation of women or they are poorly executed. Women view the Barazas as being of little value, inclusion and effectiveness. The main obstacles are structural (e.g. time poverty, household duties), cultural (e.g. gendered expectations of public speech), logistical (e.g. distance, transport), and institutional (e.g. poor facilitation, no follow-up system) barriers. Enablers that are identified are mobilization networks, access to information and supportive facilitation. These findings are interpreted in the discussion in the light of intersecting inequalities and power dynamics and are compared to the literature on citizen engagement that is available. The paper concludes that existing Baraza practices are not as transformative as gender inclusion. Policy suggestions to policymakers, local governments, the Office of the Prime Minister, civil society, and development partners would be required to make the facilitation gender-sensitive, put up follow-ups, and build mobilization networks. Further studies should be conducted in the future to compare urban and rural districts, longitudinal examination of participation patterns, and other marginalized groups.
Foreign policy and regional stability in East aAfrican Community: An analysis of Uganda’s role in regional stability
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-08) Shibbah Natasha Kyabagye
Thisresearchpaperinvestigatedtherelationshipbetweenforeignpolicyandregionalstabilityin Furthermore, Ugandawillachieveregionalintegrationthrougheconomicinterdependenceand contributionmadebysecuritypoliciesintheattainmentofregionalstabilitywithintheEAC, and policiesinEACwillfacilitatecooperationinsecurity, intelligence, and peacekeeping. Other recommendations includedincreasingintelligencesharing, jointtraining,andborder Finally, recommendationsfromtheresearchincludetheneedforimproveddiplomaticrelations diplomaticpoliciesintheattainmentofregionalstabilitywithintheEAC, to establish the study concentrated on the following objectives: to examine the extent ofthe contribution made by was done through interviews and questionnaires, andbothpurposiveandsimplerandomsampling Across-sectionalsurveydesignwasappliedinthecarryingoutofthisresearch. Data collection todeterminethecontributionmadebytradepoliciesintheattainmentofregionalstabilityinthe within the EastAfrican Community through diplomatic relations, security cooperation, and EAC. methods were employed. Atotalnumberof133employeesandtopmanagementoftheMinistry of Foreign Affairs were involved in this study. economicpolicies.Diplomaticdialogue,mediation,andinvolvementinvariousEACforumswill tradeliberalization,whichwilldecreasetheriskofconflictsandsustainregionalstability. theEACthroughtheanalysisoftheinvolvementofUgandainensuringregionalstability.This TheresearchfindingshaveindicatedthatUgandaisveryimportantinensuringregionalstability ensurepeace,cooperation,anddecision-making.Ontheotherhand,commonforeignandsecurity byfosteringdialogues,improvingitscapacityinmediationandconflictprevention,aswellasthe incorporationofitsdiplomaticandsecuritypoliciestopromoteregionalsecuritycooperation. management,aswellaseconomicdiplomacythroughtradefacilitationandeconomicagreements.
Resource-based conflict and social cohesion: a case study of refugee host communities in Nakivale settlement in Isingiro District
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-06-12) Janice Atai
This study examines the impact of resource-based conflicts on social cohesion among refugees and host communities in Nakivale Refugee Settlement, Isingiro District, Uganda. The growing refugee population has increased competition for scarce resources such as land, water, firewood, employment opportunities, and social services, creating tensions that may affect peaceful coexistence between refugees and host communities. Using a case study design and a desk approach, the study investigates the causes of resource-based conflicts and their effects on trust, cooperation, and social relationships within the settlement. The study finds that unequal access to resources, environmental pressures, and perceived inequalities in aid distribution are key sources of conflict. However, collaborative resource management, community dialogue, and conflict resolution mechanisms can strengthen social cohesion. The findings provide insights for policymakers and development partners seeking to promote peaceful coexistence, sustainable resource management, and stronger social integration between refugees and host communities in refugee-hosting areas.
The contributions of the East African Community integration to good governance in Uganda
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-13) Gabriel Nyirinka
This research aimed at evaluating the influence of EAC integration on good governance in Uganda over the decade (2016-2026) which is the period of greatest enlargement of the Community and the implementation of the Seventh EAC Development Strategy (2026/27- 2030/31). Secondary data collected from East African Court of Justice (EACJ) jurisprudence, institutional and governance documents, peer-reviewed articles and EAC Treaty documents was analysed and a qualitative, desk-based, single‑ case study approach was adopted. Thematic analysis of the data was carried out by Braun and Clarke's 6-phase approach, while the main theory used was intergovernmentalism. The findings show that there has been a real though limited improvement at governance level in Uganda as a result of the integration of EAC but significant work remains. The most visible effects can be seen in the two fields above: Rule of law discourse, with the decisions of the EACJ having provided some normative concepts that are being used in the advocacy of law domestically; and Economic governance transparency, with the implementation of the Common Market Protocol, leading to incremental gains in customs and investment facilitation. There is limited institutional capacity built in Uganda's Inspectorate of Government as a result of regional cooperation on anti‑ corruption. In 2025 however, Uganda's ranking on the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) dropped from 26 to 25 out of 100, indicating that there have been no structural governance changes at the EAC level. This limited impact can be attributed to five inter-related problems of sovereignty sensitivities that result in the selective domestication of regional norms, insufficient institutional capacity and resources, governance heterogeneity brought by the rapid enlargement of EAC, weak enforcement mechanisms and Uganda's domestic political economy underpinned by executive dominance and patronage networks. The study finds that the Ugandan state is intergovernmental and this is a good explanatory factor for the selective compliance. It suggests a gradual path towards governance compliance in the EAC, the development of a national domestication agenda for governance frameworks and better civil society and development partner engagement with governance aspects of the Seventh Development Strategy.
The widening versus deepening dilemma in regional integration: an analysis of the East African Community’s expansion from five to eight members (2016-2024)
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-25) Sonia Munyana
Regional integration has been a long-admired strategy for promoting neighborhood states 'economic growth, political stability and social cohesion. The EAC was initially formed from five countries: Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi but was later expanded to incorporate South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo and Somalia. The aim of this study was to examine the dilemma of widening versus deepening in regional integration in light of the expansion of the East African Community from the original five to eight member countries (2016-2024). This study used a qualitative descriptive case study design that is further supplemented by process tracing. The data used in the study was secondary data that analyzed thematically. The study revealed that the intra-EAC share of trade reduced from 20 percent in 2016 to 15 per cent in 2023, the rate of harmonization legal instruments dropped from four to two per year, and the Monetary Union protocol had seven missed deadlines. Through document analysis it was found that there was a significant difference in the perspectives of political leaders and technical stakeholders. EAC technocrats, private sector and civil society, continuously voiced their doubts and non-compliance on a lack of institutional capacity to scale up. The study found that the number of EAC Court cases rose by almost 4 times, adherence to Court decisions dropped to 54%, and newer members were imposing disproportionate non-tariff barriers and budget arrears grew by $47 million.
Effects of gender stereotyping on student academic performance in secondary schools: a case study in Akere and Apac district in Uganda
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-13) Merkel Preta Akoth
The problem of gender stereotyping has been experienced and remains persistent in education, whereby gender stereotypes tend to impact negatively on students' academic performance in secondary schools in Uganda. In Akere Division in Apac District, there are many instances where due to cultural beliefs of that society, children are subjected to gender stereotyping, for example, boys are pushed towards educational attainment and leadership, while girls are steered towards homemaking. The current research seeks to establish the impacts of gender stereotyping on students' academic performance in secondary schools in Akere Division, Apac District. Gender Stereotyping Theory and Feminism Theory/Social Constructivism Theory will guide the study because they address issues about the creation of gender stereotyping within societies. The study utilized a descriptive cross-sectional design in the analysis, which involved a mixedmethod approach. Students, teachers, head teachers, and PTA members were used as respondents for data collection using questionnaires and interviews. From the findings, gender stereotyping persists in secondary schools. Gender stereotyping manifests itself through biased choice of subjects, unequal participation in class discussions, and inadequate chances to lead among females. From the study, gender stereotyping impacts negatively on the academic performance of learners. Gender stereotyping impacts negatively on the academic performance of learners through lack of self-confidence, inadequate participation in learning activities, and subject preferences. The study makes recommendations such as adopting gender-sensitive teaching approaches, encouraging equal participation in all subjects, improving career guidance, and raising community awareness regarding gender issues in education.
The African union’s efforts in addressing the Civil War in Sudan (2023– present): a case study of El fasher in the Darfur region
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-13) Isaac Aaron Erereng
This dissertation explores how the African Union institutionally reacted to the conflict, particularly in El Fasher between April 2023 and February 2026. The study is guided by five interrelated research questions: to explore the mechanisms of the peace and security of the AU and how they were employed in El Fasher; to evaluate the effectiveness of the institution of the four dimensions of operations, ceasefire compliance, civilian protection, humanitarian access and accountability; to determine the role of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights as an accountability institution; and suggest practical steps to enhance the capacity of the institution to manage conflicts and build peace. The research is a single case study (qualitative) based on the methodological approach of Creswell and Poth (2018). Only secondary sources such as official documents of the UN and the Peace and Security Council, ACHPR documents, scholarly literature were used as sources of data. Bowen (2009) protocol of document analysis was used to provide a systematic and consistent extraction of data in all sources. The results indicate that there is an enduring and causal disconnect between the normative commitments and operational capacities of the AU. Several institutional mechanisms initiated by the African Peace and Security Architecture, an AU Roadmap to Sudan, a High-Level Panel formed in early 2024 and a May 2024 PSC mandate authorizing the ACHPR to investigate atrocities in El Fasher were all activated by the AU, however none of this could stop the siege or the eventual fall of the city. The dissertation suggests complete operationalization of the African Standby Force, integration of the disjointed Sudan policy of the African Union, a regional conference to discuss the issue of external interference, structural reform of the ACHPR and strategic exploitation of the comparative political advantage of the African Union with Khartoum to gain entry to humanitarian access. These suggestions are directly based on the evidence presented at El Fasher, and not based on generic prescription of the institution, and presented as a contribution to the academic and policy discussion around the changing role of the AU in peace and security in Africa.
The effect of women leadership on local governance performance in Uganda: a case of Mukono District Local government
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-13) Miriam Ainembabazi
The study examined the effect of women leadership on local governance performance in Uganda; a case of Mukono District Local Government (MDLG). In this regard, the study focused on the following: establishing the effect of women leadership styles on citizen participation in government programmes, assessing the effect of women representation on service delivery in local government programmes, and examining the effect of women leadership on accountability in local government programmes in MDLG. The study employed a cross-sectional survey research approach. Moreover, both quantitative and qualitative research approaches were adopted. Furthermore, simple random and purposive sampling methods were used. Questionnaires were used to collect data from 80 lower-level employees from the departments in MDLG. More so, interviews were used to collect data from the key informants who are the heads of departments in MDLG. Results showed that women's leadership has a great positive impact on local governance performance in the Mukono District Local Government through increased citizen participation, effective service delivery, and accountability. Women's leadership was seen to foster inclusiveness, openness, effective communication, responsiveness, ethics, and teamwork, thus increasing citizen participation, quality of public service delivery, and accountability. The results further indicated that issues such as culture, scarcity of resources, and political influence can be a hindrance to women's leadership and, therefore, local governance performance. Finally, recommendations for improving women leadership included; increasing equality in leadership positions, building the capacity of leadership institutions, instituting practices of participatory leadership, improving administrative support for leadership, and strengthening accountability measures. Such recommendations are vital in ensuring good local governance practices in the district through improved citizen involvement, better service delivery, increased transparency and integrity in the government, and improved local governance performance.
Assessing the role of international organisations towards the development of the third world countries: a case study of UNDP in Uganda
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-04-09) Becky Balyesiima Atwooki
The study examines how international organizations, especially the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), have contributed to socio-economic development in Uganda. The study will highlight how governance reforms, poverty alleviation, and environmental sustainability initiatives spearheaded by the UNDP have contributed to socio-economic development in Uganda. The study will employ a mixed research approach, combining numerical and real-life experiences. The study will be conducted by administering a survey to 57 participants, including government officials, UNDP officials, and locals in Uganda. The study will reveal how governance reforms have contributed to transparency and accountability in Uganda’s public sector. The study will also reveal how poverty alleviation initiatives have contributed to poverty reduction in Uganda’s rural areas. The study will reveal how the UNDP’s initiatives in environmental sustainability have contributed to climate change mitigation and renewable energy expansion. However, the study will highlight how funding and political instability have remained impediments to socio-economic development in Uganda. The study will conclude by emphasizing the need for international cooperation and locals to promote socio-economic development in Uganda. The study will be important in its contribution to knowledge on how international organizations can support socio-economic development in poor nations, taking into account Uganda’s social, political, and economic factors.
Elections and Democratic Governance in Uganda: An Assessment of the Impact of the 2021 General Elections on Uganda Democratic Governance
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-07) Shanice Irene kembabazi
This study examined the relationship between elections and democratic governance in Uganda, with a specific focus on assessing the impact of the 2021 Uganda General Elections on democratic governance. The objectives of the study were; to identify the forms and patterns of electoral violence experienced during the 2021 elections, to analyze the key drivers of electoral violence during the 2021 elections and to assess the role of political actors, security agencies, and institutions in either escalating or mitigating electoral violence. The study used descriptive cross-sectional design and quantitative approach was adopted. The study employed a qualitative epistemology and a phenomenological design, and 10 documents were reviewed in connection to the study problem. Data was analyzed using document review analysis. The study result indicated that physical violence, arbitrary arrests and detentions particularly targeting opposition politicians, their supporters, and political activists, voter intimidation and systematic disruption of opposition campaign activities were the forms and patterns of electoral violence experienced during the 2021 elections. The study also showed that political competition and struggle for power, state repression and use of security forces, weak electoral institutions and lack of trust, youth unemployment and social discontent, and poor voter education and misinformation as the major cause of electoral violence in 2021 general elections in Uganda. The study finding further indicated that the security agencies, including the police and military, are critical in managing electoral processes and maintaining public order. The study concluded that; electoral violence is driven by institutional weaknesses and deliberate political actions, is driven by a complex interaction of political, institutional, and socio-economic factors, with intense political competition at its core and is significantly shaped by the actions and interactions of key institutional and political actors, particularly political elites, security agencies, and electoral institutions. The study recommends that; promoting rule of law and due process, strengthening voter protection and electoral management bodies, addressing high rate of youth unemployment and promoting responsible political leadership will help to reduce on the electoral violence
Ethnic politics and the persistence of armed conflict
(Uganda Christian University, 2026-05-11) Simon Arike
This research explores the role ethnic politics has played in sustaining armed conflict in South Sudan from 2013-2025, focusing at the sub-national level on Jonglei State. Notwithstanding multiple peace agreements, most significantly the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (ARCSS, 2015) and the Revitalized ARCSS (R-ARCSS, 2018), armed conflict has persisted in Jonglei with the United Nations estimating 280,000 internally displaced persons in the state as of early 2026. This research finds that the ongoing violence is not a failure of diplomacy or the result of "primordial" ethnic hatreds between the Dinka, Nuer and Murle peoples, but rather a systematic consequence of ethnic politics: the strategic mobilisation of ethnic identity by national, regional and local political elites to gain and consolidate power, hinder implementation of peace agreements and sustain the formation of armed groups. Using a constructivist-instrumentalist approach, complemented by the ethnic security dilemma and critical liberal peacebuilding, the study undertakes a qualitative secondary analysis of peer-reviewed literature, institutional and policy documents. The analysis is organised around three research objectives: to analyse the political mobilisation of ethnic identity in Jonglei; to analyse the effects of ethnic politics on armed group formation; and to analyse the effects of ethnic politics on the implementation of peace agreements and national reconciliation. The research findings show that ethnic identities in Jonglei are socially constructed and instrumentalised, rather than primordial; that armed groups are politically structured formations, enabled by ethnic recruitment, patronage and the social reproduction of masculinities, and sustained by the absence of institutions; and that peace agreement failures are largely explained by elite-controlled fragmentation - the deliberate maintenance of ethnic division and institutional weakness by ruling elites who profit from conflict. The study points to five key gaps in the literature, including the failure to consider sub-national processes in Jonglei; the under-representation of the Murle community in scholarly and policy debate; and the under-theorisation of community-level dynamics of peace agreement failure. The study offers key recommendations for peace practitioners, the Government of South Sudan, and researchers, which include refocusing peace architecture on sub-national conflict transformation, reforming Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) policy to account for cultural dynamics of armed group membership, operationalising transitional justice mechanisms, and investing in long-term community-led reconciliation processes, such as the 1999 Wunlit Conference.Keywords: Ethnic politics, armed conflict, Jonglei State, South Sudan, constructivism, instrumentalism, security dilemma, peace agreements, R-ARCSS, ethnic mobilisation, Dinka, Nuer, Murle.
Effeects of regional armed conflict on the international humanitarian services (The case study of South Sudan)
(NAKIMBUGWE VICTORIA, 2026-05-11) Victoria Nakimbugwe
Following the outbreak of a violent civil war in 2013, South Sudan has become one of the world's most dangerous places for humanitarian aid workers. In this study, we assess the dramatic effects of regional armed conflict on the effectiveness of international humanitarian assistance, exploring how violence, politics and bureaucratic battles affect the lives of more than 2.7 million refugees and internally displaced people. Employing a mixed-method approach, the study leverages quantitative methods to understand secondary data on incidents, complemented by qualitative data from 40 semi-structured interviews with humanitarian workers, government actors, and civilians. The analysis shows a strong negative association (r = -0.78) between intensity of conflict and delivery of services. Even amid physical infrastructure and medically targeted violence, the study reveals a "performance of care" in which short, poorly budgeted visits are used to meet donor reporting obligations, but do not treat the underlying causes of vulnerability. At the heart of the study is the finding that access is not simply defined by violence but is highly politicized. Whilst high-intensity violence leads to direct military bans, complexity and "post-conflict" sees "bureaucratic warfare" and state actors strategically using administrative control and xiii taxation to exert power and extort resources. Moreover, the study unravels a monolithic pretension of the state, even as it is a fragmented conglomerate of competing "fiefdoms" of military officers and political appointees who profit from humanitarian aid. This work offers a conclusion that humanitarian effectiveness in South Sudan is systematically flawed. It is the result of a political economy in which both state and non-state actors have adapted to the short-term heroic, technical aid system without enhancing performance. The conclusions are a wake-up call to policymakers and international actors to move away from reductionist policies and implement conflict-sensitive policies that acknowledge the interactive, political nature of aid in South Sudan.

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